Marginalization of Transgender Women

Marginalization of Trans sex WomenAs a family nurse practitioner (FNP) student, it isimportant to provide unbiased and cultur bothy-competent wellnessc ar servicesregardless of age, race, religion, socio-economic status, or sexual activityorientation. Transgender is an umbrella term for individuals who identify with agender different than what was assigned at birth(World HealthOrganization, 2018). As with any other subpopulation, transgenderwomen come from all walks of life and are mothers, fathers, sisters, and brothersin their families. Despite their prevalence and presence all throughout history, they are classified as amarginalized population that struggle to become inequitable healthcare due totheir gender orientation(Bradford, Reisner, Honnold, &Xavier, 2013). The focus of this paper is to evaluate themarginalization of transgender women. Itwill include the current prevalence, socioeconomic aspects, social rightness andits relationship to health disparities, ethical issues, plans for action toaddress the health issue, and conclude with a summary of key points. BackgroundAn individuals gender identicalness is based on their personal judgement of whether they identify as male, female, or neither sex. Some transgender people identify themselves with their transitioned gender female to male, male to female, or members of a third sex(World Health Organization, 2018). Legal identification documents that contradict a persons birth gender may subject transgender individuals to penitentiary laws and discriminatory policies. According to the World Health Organization (2018), marginalized populations such as transgender women are often stigmatized and criminalized for their contradictory gender individuality from their birth gender touch on their ability to access health care services, social protection, and equal opportunity for example. Transgender women are considered one of the five subpopulations that are disproportionately affected by human immunodefi ciency virus because their increase seek exposure(Divan, Cortez, Smelyanskaya, & Keatley, 2016). The other subpopulations that World Health Organization identifies are intravenous drug abusers, men who have sex with men, sex workers, and prisoners. In some countries, transgender women are 49-80 times more than likely to have human immunodeficiency virus compared to non-transgender adults of reproductive age, an estimated 19% prevalence worldwide(World Health Organization, 2018). In addition to the HIV epidemic amongst transgender population, mental health issues including depression, anxiety, mood disorders, and suicidal ideations were the most commonly identified health issues in researched publications. Another essential component for gaining widerrecognition for transgender health issues is required revision of the International statistical classification ofdiseases and related health problems (ICD), the standard diagnosticreference for epidemiology, health management, and clin ical practice. The current version, ICD-10, gender identitydisorders were categorized under mental and behavioral disorders. The next edition, ICD-11, which is due to bepublished in 2018 will classify transgender health issues in a sweet category ofgender incongruence(Robles, et al., 2016). On June 29, 2015, Nevada became the 10thstate that banned transgender divergence in healthcare and insurance. Nevada States insurance commissionerdetermined that the state and administrative code would prohibit the denial,exclusion or limitation of benefits relating to coverage of medical examinationly necessaryhealth care services on the basis of sex as it relates to gender identity orexpression(National Center for TransgenderEquality, 2015). This inclusion for transition-relatedhealthcare has since made it more accessible for transgender individuals tomove forward with gender assignment surgeries which were formerly not coveredby health insurance carriers. SocioeconomicsThe ways in which ma rginalization impacts a transgender persons life are interconnected to socioeconomics derivatives. defacement and transphobia in the community hearten a society of isolation, poverty, violence, lack of socioeconomic support systems, and compromised health results since each circumstance cohabits and exacerbates the other(Divan, Cortez, Smelyanskaya, & Keatley, 2016). This is pertains especially to those individuals who express their gender identity from youth, they are often rejected or outcast by their own nuclear families. This behavioral trend typically results in the lack of opportunities for genteelness and further disregard to their need for mental and physical health needs. The hostile environment that envelopes the young transgender community fail to understand their needs and threaten their condom by being discordant to provide sensitivity to health and social requirements. Such discrimination and exclusion criteria fuel a sense of vulnerability, resulting in less oppo rtunities to advance education, increased odds of unemployment, higher risk for homelessness and poverty(Lenning & Buist, 2013). Transgender workers are the most marginalized in theworkplace, often excluded from gainful employment and undergo severediscrimination during all phases of the employment process (includingrecruitment, training, benefits, and advancement opportunities)(Divan,Cortez, Smelyanskaya, & Keatley, 2016). These workplace adversaries incubatepessimism and internalized transphobia in transgender people and ultimatelydiscourage attempts to applying to many professional careers. Extreme limitations in employment often leadtransgender people to uphold positions that have limited opportunities forcareer growth and development such as beauticians, entertainers or sexworkers. The high prevalence ofunemployment and low-income, high-risk unstable jobs promote the cycle ofhomelessness and poverty. In 2016, asocioeconomic study reported the estimated annual incomes of two gro ups A socioeconomic and racial let (n=239transgender, with associates degrees and were non-Latino, White), B educational privileged (n=191transgender, with bachelors degrees and people of color). Group A reported annual household incomes of$60,000 or more and Group B reported total household incomes of $10,000 or lessper year(Budge, Thai, Tebbe, & Howard,2016). Social JusticeThe transgender society continue to endure adversarialchallenges despite the increased social awareness of gender orientation andgender identity portrayed in media, news, politics, and even early education inrecent years. The ever growthprevalence of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer (LGBTQ) communityspresence in society continue to surpass the rate of open-mindedness andacceptance amongst coexisting citizens and is demonstrated by anisometric societalstructures(Budge, Thai, Tebbe, & Howard,2016). The antagonistic perceptions they endure fromthe public are linked to ambiguity in gender the binary classification of identification and differentiation in westboundsociety(Neufeld, 2014). The severity of marginalization deepens whentransgender individuals reside in smaller remote communities where resourcesare limited and the prominent impact of colonization isolate transgenderindividuals. The collective outcomeof family, social, and institutional transphobia contributes to the increasedrisk of mental health issues, frequency of substance abuse, and prevalence ofsexually transmitted transmittals within the transgender population(Lenning &Buist, 2013). Social justice for transgender patients inhealthcare should translate to the equally entitled fair distribution ofhealthcare resources with unbiased regard to their gender identity, preferredname in the electronic medical record (EMR).Furthermore, billing for medical procedures should be exceedinglyscrutinized to ensure that the billing name and pronoun match the patientsinsurance identity(Hann, Ivester, & Denton,2017). Ethical IssuesThe corpus ethical issue that concerns the transgender community is the inequality of healthcare access. Transgender individuals that contribute to the society should be provided equal access to healthcare as a non-transgender individual who mirrors the very(prenominal) type of existence in society. Transgender care should have equal focus in medical education, research and funding. Extending to healthcare access for transgender inmates in prison, Amendment VIII of the coupled States Constitution should be enforced. Excessive bail should not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, no cruel and unusual punishments inflicted( unite States Constitution, Amendment VIII).Plan for PracticeConsidering that Nevada is one of ten states thatpassed a law which bans discrimination of transgender persons in healthcare andinsurance, it is imperative to have a plan for practice that echoes the sameintent. Forecasting the future as an FNPin the clinic setting, the triplet actions for pr actice that I plan to implementare 1) Encouraging of cultural competency training amongst staff in regards toLGBTQ population. This includesincorporating written nondiscrimination statements specifically to protecttransgender rights(Hayhurst, 2016). This tail assembly be measured implementing an annualcompetency written test, to assess retained knowledge and also provideopportunity to refresh their practice.Another method of outcome measurement commode be the report card from atransgender (secret-shopper) patients care experience. 2) Establishing transgender-friendlyenvironment from arrival. Offering smallclues such as a rainbow sticker or flag at the check-in counter or adding LGBTQcommunity literature in the waiting room(Hayhurst, 2016). The outcome of this intervention trick bemeasured by asking a transgender patient if they were able to identify LGBTQclues in the clinic and if it made them feel more welcomed to thepractice. 3) Gender neutral restroomscan be simply implemented by eliminating any gender specific signs (women ormen)(London, 2014). Measuring the outcome of this change can bedetermined by implementing random audits monitoring if patients and visitorsdo not hesitate to use the restroom because of a gender exclusive sign.Stigma and lack of legal recognition inhabit the backbone to structural barriers (laws, policies, and regulations), impeding adequate healthcare provisions to transgender women in 40 different United States(Bradford, Reisner, Honnold, & Xavier, 2013). Transgender individuals who exercise human fundamental rights to life, liberty, equality, health, privacy, speech, and expression are often dismissed by their own families. These experiences of severe stigma and marginalization continue to negatively impact their lives by discriminating against career opportunities, increasing the risk for homelessness, and further projecting them to high risk behavior such as engaging in sex work which heighten their risk for HIV infection(D ivan, Cortez, Smelyanskaya, & Keatley, 2016). Health disparities continue due to adversarial issues that encompass their lives and they are less likely to seek healthcare treatment in a timely or impediment manner. I hope that research focused on the transgenderpopulation continues in the future, as there seems to be a lack of newknowledge and black implementation to changing the approach to healthcarepractice to better address transgender concerns. As mentioned in my plan for practice, I amquite confident that I will succeed in implementing those actions forchange. They are all fairly simpleinterventions that are of minimal cost and can benefit both the practice breed income (with new patients) and transgender individuals to seekhealthcare in a transgender-friendly environment. ReferencesBradford, J., Reisner, S. L., Honnold, J.A., & Xavier, J. (2013). Experiences of transgender-related discriminationand implications for health Results from the Virginia transgender healthinitiati ve study. American Journal of Public Health, 103(10), 1820-1829.inside10.2105/AJPH.2012.300796Budge, S. L., Thai,J. L., Tebbe, E. A., & Howard, K. A. (2016). The intersection of race,sexual orientation, socioeconomic status, trans identity, and mental healthoutcomes. The Counseling Psychologist, 44(7), 1025-1049.inside10.1177/0011000015609046Divan, V., Cortez,C., Smelyanskaya, M., & Keatley, J. (2016). Transgender social inclusionand equality A pivotal path to development. Journal of the InternationalAids Society, 19(3). doi10.7448/IAS.19.3.20803Hann, M., Ivester,R., & Denton, G. D. (2017). Bioethics in practice Ethical issues in thecare of transgender patients. The Ochsner Journal, 17(2), 144-145.Retrieved from https//www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5472072/Lenning, E., &Buist, C. L. (2013). Social, psychological and economic challenges faced bytransgender individuals and their significant others Gaining insight throughpersonal narratives. Cultures, Health & Sexuality, 15(1), 44-57.doi10.1080/13691058.2012.738431London, J. (2014).Lets talk about bathrooms. Diversity Best Practices. Retrieved fromhttps//www.diversitybestpractices.comNational Center forTransgender Equality. (2015). Nevada becomes tenth state to ban transgenderhealth exclusions. Retrieved from National Center for Transgender Equalityhttps//transequality.org/nevada-becomes-tenth-state-to-ban-transgender-health-exclusioNeufeld, A. C.(2014). Transgender therapy, social justice, and the northerly contextChallenges and opportunities. Canadian Journal of Counseling andPsychotherapy, 48(3), 218-230. Retrieved fromhttp//cjc-rcc.ucalgary.ca/cjc/index.php/rcc/article/viewFile/2716/2530Robles, R., Fresan,A., Vega-Ramirez, H., Cruz-Islas, J., Rodriguez-Perez, V., Dominguez-Martinez,T., & Reed, G. M. (2016). Removing transgender identity from theclassification of mental disorders a Mexican field study for ICD-11. The LancetPsychiatry, 3(9), 850-859. doi10.1016/S2215-0366(16)30165-1United StatesConstitut ion, Amendment VIII. (n.d.). Retrieved fromhttps//constitutioncenter.org/interactive-constitution/amendments/amendment-viiiWorld HealthOrganization. (2018). Transgender people. Retrieved from World HealthOrganization http//www.who.int/hiv/topics/transgender/en/

Political Culture And Malaysia

Political Culture And MalaysiaAbstract Pre-1999 studies pictured Malaysia as having a subject g everyplacenmental horticulture. The post-2008 survey data shows Malaysia having a participant political culture and a high level of participation. The 2008 elections which witnessed the emergence of a strong emulation in the fantan reflect the maturity of the Malayan electorate which augurs healthful for democracy in the country.Keywords Malaysian political culture, elections, electoral behaviour, re holdasi, democracyThe results of the 2008 elections in which the ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional (National Front or BN), befuddled two-thirds majority which it enjoyed, for half a pennyury, to a loosely combined opposition parties, is argued by many to be the extension of the bare-ass idiom of political relation created in 1998. The electoral change in 2008, according to sev eral electoral studies, augurs rise for the democratization of the country.1Projecting democracy for Malaysi a entails an understanding of her political culture. A democratic form of participatory political system requires as hearty a political culture consistent with it.2It is sometimes termed the substructure of the land because its underlying values and beliefs forge the operation of all social and political organizations.3Political culture, derived from a structural-functional model of the political process, is defined as the political attitudes, beliefs, values and skills within an entire population, as well as those within separate parts of that population.4It is the set of values within which a political system operates.5To Almond and Verba, it is the pattern of drutherss to political objects among the members of the nation.6They divided orientations into cognitive, affectional and evaluative dimensions. Cognitive orientation refers to knowledge of and belief about the political system, its roles and the incumbents of these roles, its inputs, and its outputs. Affective orienta tion is feelings about the political system, its roles, personnel, and performance fleck evaluative orientation is the judgments and opinions about political system and usually involves a combination of value standards and criteria with information and feeling. On this basis, Almond and Verba identified three cultural orientations parochial, subject, and participant.7Parochialism is characterized by worldwide ignorance about political objects. In subject political culture, citizens possess the requisite political knowledge without the sense that they could be effective political actors. Participant political culture combines knowledge about politics with a willingness to participate in the political process. After a period of some disuse, cultural approaches to understanding politics have experienced a revival in re centimeime years.Scholars in the past did explore the political culture of Malaysia but with limited empirical present owing to the paucity of survey research. The c ontemporary political culture can, however, be analysed by using public opinion surveys conducted in Malaysia in recent years. This theater reviews the findings of earlier studies on political culture which were based upon intuitive speculation supported by fragmentary evidence from several highly selective studies.8This is followed by an examination of the existing political culture with the help of data from the survey conducted from 12 to 18 April 2008 in Peninsular Malaysia among 1,027 adult citizens. This random sample was class-conscious according to verbalize, ethnicity, age and gender of the respondents. The distributions over age, ethnic groups and religions correspond to national figures. The interviews were conducted in Bahasa Malaysia, Mandarin, Tamil and English using the Computer Assisted Telephone interview (CATI) facilities of the International Islamic University Malaysia. Each interview lasted for about 25 minutes, on average. At a confidence level of 95 per cen t, the survey results have a statistical precision of 2.8 per cent of what they would be if the interviews were conducted with the entire voting age population residing in peninsular Malaysia. The questionnaire contained 38 items. This paper uses only part of the data (24 items) dealing with cognitive, affective and evaluational orientations and voting in the 2008 elections.The Traditional Political CultureMalaysia, with an ara of 127,320 sq miles (329,758 sq km), is a federation of 13 states and 3 federal territories of Kuala Lumpur, Labuan and the newly created administrative capital for the federal government of Malaysia, Putrajaya. correspond to July 2009 estimate, Malaysia has a population of 28.31 million.9Malaysia is a multicultural society, with Malays (54.2 per cent), Chinese (25.3 per cent), Indians (7.5 per cent) and others (13.0 per cent) living side by side in peace. Malays along with the natives of Sabah and Sarawak (Eastern Malaysia), be officially classified as B umiputra (sons of the soil, or indigenes). The non-bumiputras, consist mainly of the Chinese and the Indians whose large- home immigration took place in the 19th century with settlement and modernization.Malaysias political culture is significantly squeeze by the British colonial administration.10The British looked upon the Malays as intellectually deficient and lazy. They admired the Chinese for their industry, entrepreneurship and greed while the Indians were viewed as cheap and compliant labour. Referring to Chinese and Indians, Lucian Pye characterized Malaysian politics as a confrontation of two incompatible cultures with different systems of values and behavioural norms.11Pye, however, mazed out the Indians, perhaps because they atomic number 18 a minority.The Malays are Muslims they speak Bahasa Malayu and maintain traditional customs and practices. They prevalently live in rural areas and their relations are based on mutual help, self-respect and the concept of brotherh ood in Islam. All these impart a feeling of solidarity among the Malays. Malays refer to Malaysia, peculiarly Western Malaysia, as Tanah Melayu (the Land of the Malays) and they are very proud of it. Chandra Muzaffar argues that Malay political culture is a complex mix of elements inherited from the feudal tradition, Western values, and Islam.12Elections and the culture that accompanies it, the crossway of Western influence, are an integral dimension of Malay and Malaysian political culture. The factors that influence voting patterns are the product, among others, of Malay feudal history characterized by respectfulness to the royalty, uncritical acceptance of state authority and subservience to governmental power. Malaysian political leaders expect and they do receive due respect and stamp down electoral support from the Malay electorate. The Malay government is known as kerajaan that refers to the raja who ruled from the pre-colonial courts. Members of parliament and state Legi slative Assembly men are referred to as yang berhormat (he who is honoured), and sustain remarkable resiliency in office. The Malay political culture is parochial and passive they tend to relieve anxieties created by political contravene by avoidance and silence and by repressing emotions in the hope that the problem will go away if matters are smoothed over.13Islam has also impacted on Malay political attitudes and orientations. Islam brought with it a feudal political culture in the 14th or the beginning of the 15th century and reinforced the feudalism of pre-Islamic Malaysia.14The Chinese derive their values from Confucian patterns and assumptions. According to Pye, the Chinese concept of power is one of an unambiguous leader or father figure to whom the subordinates dutifully obey. Both the omnipotent leader and his dutiful subordinates are assumed to be Chinese. Complaints of all sorts should be aired and redress sought from authority figures. The idea of a Chinese leader bec oming the subordinate of a foreigner is culturally unthinkable. Thus, there is no role for minority leadership in a fraternity dominated by a non-Confucian culture. It effectively means that the Chinese can non be subservient to the Malay majority leadership. As a result, a large total of Chinese in Malaysia feel that a truly national politics is unattainable for them.15This makes the Chinese to opt out of the majority system and focus alternatively on special parochial groupings.16The Chinese political culture is aggressive they tend to release anxieties created by political conflict by voicing solicitude to somebody and seek sympathy change surface from bystanders.17Of the current population, the Chinese are the most heterogeneous. Most of them confess to one or more of the three neat religions of mainland China Buddhism, Taoism or Confucianism, and speak Hokkien, Hakka and/or Cantonese. This heterogeneity is reflected in their politics. Unlike the Malays, the Chinese were an d are divided in their loyalties. Most of the Chinese supported the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA), the component of the BN but many also identified with opposition leftist and reformist parties. Yet, the Chinese were relatively far more mobilized socially and politically than the Malays. Living in urban centres and economically better off, the Chinese had easy access to higher education which tended to make them politically better informed.Indians, oftentimes regarded as a minority race, have made significant contributions to the socio-political and economic maturement of Malaysia. The Indian community is generally found around the urban areas and suburban rubber estates. It is generally believed that most Indians in Malaysia are politically informed and they operate small businesses. Some Indians work as professionals or labourers. They are mobile and entrepreneurial but cherish their values and traditions. Indians are close-knit community and are deeply religious. Many In dians adhere to Hinduism, some of them profess Christianity and Islam. The earlier immigrants had speculative strong ties with their homeland without forming a strong bonding with their adopted country. The 1970s and 1980s generation regard Malaysia as their homeland.The Indian community has been perceived as passive and parochial. They did not cause much anxiety to the imperial rulers. They are culturally divided and their cultural diversity may be identified with their ancestors places of origin. They are mainly Hindu Tamils from southern India, speaking Tamil, Telegu, Malayalam, and some Hindi. In the post-independent Malaysia, the Indians do not form majority of their own in any Malaysian constituency. thereof most of them opted to support the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) which is a component of the ruling Barisan Nasional, in order to light upon access to the Barisan system of the ethnic parceling of political power and material resources. However, a small segment of the Indian community supported opposition.Malaysias multi-ethnicity made it imperative for the elites of each ethnic group to meld in a mutually beneficial fashion. The resultant system is a variant of conosciational democracy in which elections play an important role to fill in the public positions.18In procedural terms, however, Malaysian political system is considered narrow because it constrains the practice of civil and political rights through restrictions on company, the strategic use of grasp orders and other legal and emergency powers. Yet, the pioneering survey of political attitudes in Malaysia conducted in November 1994 found majority of 395 respondents, selected randomly, supported limited practice of democracy.19According to Welsh, Malay respondents boilers suit opposed the expansion of democracy the minorities, especially the Indian respondents, favoured democracy, while the Chinese respondents were more ambivalent.20 there was some sort of congruence between polit ical culture and regime type. In the elections held between 1959 and 1995, the ruling coalition, the BN, constantly maintained two-thirds majority of seats in the parliament as shown in Table 1.Table1 Results of Parliamentary Elections, 1959 to 1995 socio-economic classAlliance/BNOpposition PartiesTotal SeatsSeatsPer centSeatPer cent19597451.83048.210419648958.51541.510419696648.43751.61031974cxxxv60.71939.3154197813157.22442.8154198213260.52239.5154189614857.32941.5177199012754.45346.6180199516265.13034.8192Source Abdul Rashid Moten and Tunku Mohar Mokhtar, Elections and the Electoral System in Malaysia at 50 Achievements and Aspirations, edited by Syed Arabi Idid (Sin cattle ranchore Thomson Learning, 2008), 199.State and Society in TransitionPolitical cultures, though often highly stable, are not immutable. They may evolve over time, and may even be profoundly altered in a short span of time. This change may result from the spread of mass education, technological development, glo balised discourses of human rights and the like. free associations and popular movements may help with the formation of new identities.21In the Malaysian context, the intense economic development programme pursued by the government over the years has led to the transformation of the state, Islamic organizations and civil societies. The political identities of the Malay, Chinese, Indian and other communities have likewise undergone changes.22The British, during the colonial period, pursued policies that created an imbalance in development between the urban sector involved in tin mining and rubber plantation and the rural sector enmeshd in small scale agriculture. Post-independent leaders pursued policies that aimed not merely at developing the economy and alleviating poverty but also at narrowing the differential development gap among diverse groups. The national development policies outlined in the Five Year National Development Plans (NDPs) in the earlier phase concentrated on better the living standards of the rural society by providing facilities for infrastructure, social services and agricultural development. Since 1971, the government, under what was called the New Economic Policy (NEP), embarked upon a socio-economic restructuring affirmative action programme. The NEP aimed at promoting national unity and a just society by attacking poverty and reducing and eventually eliminating the identity of race with economic function.23In 1990, the post-NEP era began with Vision 2020 which espoused a commitment to forging a Bangsa Malaysia, a united Malaysian nation with a sense of a common and shared hazard under the leadership of Mahathir Mohamad, who served as Prime Minister from 1982 to 2003. That became the basis of the National Development Policy that aimed, among others, to strike an optimum balance between the goals of economic growing and equity.24Malaysia, under a soft authoritarian regime led by Mahathir Mohamad, made good economic progress, techn ological development and considerable rural-urban migration.25However, the growth was accompanied by an element of patronage leading to significant leakages and disproportionate gains to individuals and companies, such as the Renong, Technology Resources, Berjaya and Tanjong groups, associated with UMNO, the dominant party in the BN, the ruling coalition.26This state-capital nexus in Malaysia is termed party capitalism or money politics. Nevertheless, the economy grew at an average annual rate of 7 per cent during the 1990s. GDP per capita rose from RM 1,090 in 1970 to RM 14,924.3 in 2000. During 1970 to 2000, employment in agriculture shrank from 53.2 per cent to 15.2 per cent while employment in manufacturing increased from 9.0 per cent to 27.6 per cent. Literacy rate for the corresponding period rose from 58.1 per cent to 87.4 per cent. There was also a marked reduction in both rural and urban poverty.27Between 1981 and 1989, economic growth averaged 5.4 per cent which rose to 8 .8 per cent between 1990 and 1996. The middle class expanded from 20 per cent of the working population in 1970 to approximately 45 per cent by 1993.28The rapid expansion of the middle class is considered as an impetus to liberalization and democratization in Malaysia. It has given rise to a consumer culture and a lifestyle dominated by shopping malls, restaurants, and Western-owned fast-food outlets.29Interestingly, this new Malay middle class was suffering from alienation presumably because they did not benefit from party capitalism by joining the elite group who enjoyed the state patronage.The growth of the middle class led to the emergence of civil societies and non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Aliran was established in August 1977 for the reform of Malaysian society manoeuver by universal spiritual and moral values. It launched its publication Aliran Monthly in 1980. SUARAM (Suara Rakyat Malaysia, or Voice of the Malaysian People) was established in 1987 to promote freed om of expression, assembly and association. HAKAM (Persatuan Kebangsaan Hak Asasi Manusia or The National Human Rights Soceity) was formed in 1990 to work on human rights issues. Tenaganita (Womens Force) was established in 1991 to promote the rights of women workers and migrant workers. In 1993, some 50 NGOs adopted The Malaysian Human Rights Charter. Evidently, these organizations advocate various social, economic, cultural and political causes, interests, and agendas.30They have been instrumental in initiating positive changes in various spheres of life. They have helped Malaysians engage in networking and increase their strength and confidence to solve problems with or without government assistance. Malaysians have learned to form groups, organise meetings and rallies, improve means of communication and gain new knowledge. These associations have been critical of various government policies and voiced their concern in public. Indeed, civil societies became more vocal during the reformasi period.31Reformasi and the Changes in the Electoral BehaviourIn July 1997 money speculators attacked the Malaysian currency which eventually plunged the country into first recession for many years. The financial crisis widened the differences between Prime Minister Mahathir and his ambitious deputy Anwar Ibrahim who was seen as conspiring to overthrow the Prime Minister which became overt in June 1998 at the UMNO party elections in which one of Anwars supporters openly criticised Mahathir for economic mismanagement. The speech came too close on the heels of the Indonesian anti-KKN (kolusi, korupsi dan nepotisme, or collusion, corruption and nepotism) reformasi movement that toppled Suharto in May, a month earlier.32Mahathir blamed currency speculators especially George Soros for the financial crisis whereas Anwar Ibrahim blamed it upon Mahathirs obsession with unproductive mega projects and nepotism. Mahathir would not seek assistance from the International bodies to overc ome the crisis while Anwar was fully committed to adopting rescue package from International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. Subsequent swelling from the party, arrest and imprisonment of Anwar Ibrahim, on charges of misuse of power and immoral conduct, triggered the movement for reform, reformasi, demanding participatory democracy and justice for all.33The movement drew new actors, namely Malay women, youth and sections of the Malay middle class.34NGOs and civil societies cooperated and coordinated their anti-government actions. Numerous street demonstrations that followed led to the formation of Gagasan Demokrasi Rakyat (Coalition for Peoples Democracy or Gagasan), on 27 September 1998, composed of 18 political parties and organizations. Gagasans 10-point joint declaration demanded freedom of speech and assembly, impartial judiciary and the abolition of detention without trial and the draconian Internal Security Act. There also emerged Gerakan Keadilan Rakyat Malaysia (Malaysi an Peoples Movement for Justice or Gerak) composed of various Muslim non-governmental organizations but included the opposition political parties like Democratic Action troupe (DAP) and Partai Se-Islam Se-Malaysia (Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party, PAS). December 1998 saw the emergence of the Pergerakan Keadilan Sosial (Movement for Social Justice or Adil) under the leadership of Anwar Ibrahims wife, Wan Azizah Ismail, which pressed for political, economic and social reform. Adil, in 1999, metamorphosed into the multi-ethnic Parti Keadilan Nasional (National Justice Party or keADILan). Subsequently, KeADILan, DAP, PAS and Parti Rakyat Malaysia (Malaysian Peoples Party, PRM) formed an opposition alliance known as the Barisan Alternatif (Alternative Coalition, BA).Simultaneously, several reformasi-related websites emerged demanding more democratic space, accountability of the rulers and a participatory political system. The first reformasi website, Anwar On-line, was launched on September 1, 1998 and was followed within a few months by over fifty pro-Anwar and pro-reform websites. Well developed professional sites include AIM (Abolish the ISA Movement), Aliran Online, HarakahDaily, Bereita Keadilan, the uninvolved Anwar Campaign, etc. The countrys first commercial on-line newspaper, Malaysiakini, was launched just nine days prior to the general election of 1999. The number of internet users rose from about 500,000 in 1999 to an estimated two million in 2002. The Internet was relatively free from government control and was an important venue for political discourse. The internet has created dense networks linking geographically outspread activists that constitute themselves into the building blocs for bottom-up democratisation process.35As society has changed, with demographic shifts reinforced by new information technologies and globalization process, political culture has changed, too, particularly among the younger generation.36Malaysians became active citizens and took it upon themselves to know, to feel and to evaluate the policies emanating from the political system and to vote accordingly. This is clear from the voting behaviour of the Malaysian electorate in the 10th, 11th and 12th general elections.The tenth elections for parliamentary and state assemblies were held on November 29, 1999 preceded by a nine-day campaign period. The elections saw many non-governmental organizations in the forefront making their voices heard through various mechanisms including the use of internet. The BA contested the November 1999 elections with a joint manifesto Towards a Just Malaysia free from widespread corruption, abuse of power and crippling poverty. The manifesto promised a strong national economy, enhanced government transparency and accountability, national unity and a genuinely democratic society. They took full advantage of the Internet to disseminate information. The opposition front made startling gains winning 45 out of 193 seats in the national parliament. PAS, the major component of the BA, not only retained the state of Kelantan but it also captured the neighbouring, oil-rich Terengganu. Four Malay cabinet ministers and the chief minister of Terengganu lost in the election. Prime Minister Mahathirs winning margin in Kubang Pasu constituency in Kedah had shrunk by about 40 per cent from 1995. Most of BN candidates won with slim margins.The eleventh general elections were held on March 21, 2004 in which the BN won unprecedented 62.37 per cent of the votes and 90.4 per cent of seats in Parliament and recaptured Terengganu lost in 1999. This result shows maturity on the part of the Malaysian electorate for three reasons. One, the leadership of BN has changed. Abdullah Badawi who took office on October 31, 2003 was perceived as friendly and a man of the people. His fight against corruption insistence on public accountability and shift from corporate mega-projects to agro-based, rural projects were well received by th e electorate tired of corruption and confrontational politics.Two, the BN adopted the core reformasi demands of accountability, transparency and good governance. Its manifesto described BN as moving Toward Excellence, Glory, and Distinction. Three, the opposition front, BA, that performed well during the 1999 elections could not continue to work as a team. The cordiality between the parties waned and some of them suffered from financial difficulties and mass defections. The opposition parties contested against each other in many constituencies. Under the circumstances, the best bet for the Malaysian electorate was to vote BN.The reforms Abdullah instituted during the following four years did not meet the public expectation. A number of factors contributed to a rising discontent among Malaysians including rising crime, a number of corruption scandals, the weaknesses of the judicial system, and interferences with the appointment of senior judges and increased food and fuel prices. The opposition parties linked hands under the leadership of Anwar Ibrahim and capitalized on the public anger over transparency and accountability. Using alternative media, they highlighted the weaknesses of the government and campaigned effectively in the twelfth elections held on March 8, 2008. The electorate reversed their earlier decision in the 2008 elections denying the ruling coalition its two-thirds majority in parliament and giving the opposition parties control of 5 state assemblies.The reformasi movement is considered by many to be a clear manifestation of a change in Malaysias political culture. They reshaped the configuration of forces and, since then, Malaysian politics has changed. According to Jomo, the reformasi liberated the Malaysian and, in particular, the Malay political discourse.37Since 1998, writes Francis, a new discourse and practice of participatory democracy has gained ground among Malaysians.38Meredith Weiss is emphaticReformasi marked a shift in Malaysian politics. Whatever degree of institutional change has so far occurred, Malaysian political culture now leans more toward new politics-characterized by fragmentation of ethnic communities and contesting discourses of ethnicism, participatory democracy, and developmentalism.39Andres Ufen argues that the Malaysian opposition has succeeded in establishing a viable pro-democratic political culture that is hardly destructible through cut back repression.40The landslide victory achieved by the BN under Abdullah Badawi in 2004 is also a reflection of the maturity of the Malaysian electorate. Citizens voted with the belief that the new government would be reactive to their needs, wants, and purposes which is an ess

Ethics of Research Trials in Developing Countries

Ethics of Research Trials in Developing CountriesZoheb RafiqueINTRODUCTIONAsia is the most diverse perfect in the world in terms of culture, religion, population size, finance, commandment, health c be, academic search, general population skills, and governmental drug regulations. Each Asian acres has its bear unique qualities when it comes to attracting industry sponsored clinical trials. Factors that influence selecting location of a study site for a sponsored trial are mainly population size, infrastructure, education levels, tonicity of health care, cost and drug regulatory platform. Some Asian countries such as Japan, Hong Kong and Singapore have among the longest life-expectancy, lowest infant mortality and highest per capita income worldwide, temporary hookup some others are in the lower end of such rankings. Several, nonably China and India, are amid rapid economic victimisation, as the Asian economy is more-or-less becoming the ball-shaped axis, with the economies of US and Europe slowing. Asia has a population of 3.8 billion, at least ten times more than North America or Europe. As the worlds most populous undefiled, Asia has by no means reached full capacity in contributing with subjects in testing new health check products in quislingism with the international pharmaceutical industry. This trend result certainly direct more sponsored clinical trials to Asia, but not necessarily benefit all Asian countries. enmeshed in 18.1 % of all protocols globally Asia is involved in more sponsored trials than some(prenominal) other region. India, Korea and Taiwan stand break through as the most active locations for multi-national trials in Asia. When ranking is for cities capital of South Korea is the most active Asia city, followed by Taipei, Hong Kong, Singapore and New Delhi. The globalization process of sponsored clinical trials has provided an opportunity for Asia to attract international companies to the region and also seemingly encourag es development of local life-science industries (1). In this paper, I leave alone discuss the responsibilities of inquiryer/funder when the inquiry trial is conducted in developing countries and especially in our body politic Pakistan and I will also talk on honorable in force(p)ifications of doing research trials in Pakistan and other shortsighted and developing countries.DISCUSSIONResource poor countries require a disseminate of attention from the medical research establishment in order to sustain the quest for treatments and remedies for diseases and other health-threatening conditions. However, the collaboration between rich countries and well-endowed agencies, on one-hand, and economically constrained research communities, on the other, requires a careful assessment of responsibilities and options for researchers and research subjects alike. Major players in international research also include big pharmaceutical companies who seek people living in developing countries as subjects. Safety and standard of care for human volunteers are also major issues. I had not been exploring Big Pharma of third world volunteers as cheap guinea pigs, observes writer John le Carre (2001). Their role, though they whitethorn not ever deal this, is to test drugs, not yet approved for testing in the US, which they themselves will never be able to afford eventide if the tests turn out more or less safe (le Carre, 2001). In the US, it costs on average $ 10,000 per patient to conduct a clinical trial, in Russia $ 3,000, and in the poorest parts of the world, much less. This is one of the noticeable reasons why clinical trials are now a Third World growth industry. In the end, the drugs under trial are for western markets. In its may 2000 edition, Center Watch, a newsletter for the burgeoning clinical trials business, published an exuberant article under the title Latin Ameri screw Fever in which it said the continent may offer a unique opportunity to reach much large r numbers of study subjects. Eli Lilly tested 590 patients, in 1994, across Africa, the Middle eastward and Central and Eastern Europe. In 2001, the company expected to run tests in those regions on 7,309 patients. It is not only the human subjects who are at risk. In the batch to market, poorly constructed, weakly monitored trials are releasing untried and untested drugs for consumption (le Carre, 2001). The Contemporary trust of biomedical research on a global outgo has given rise to evolving forms of exploitation. Standards of justice and equality tend to be put in question in the face of research practices that often put straining burdens on poor people and poor communities in poor countries. There is a need to remain vigilant in the prior follow of these activities and the observe of their implementation in order to ensure that biomedical research is conducted in accordance with universally acceptable standards. One of the most important requirements for the conduct of r esearch in developing countries is emphasized in the WHO-Council for International Organizations of Medical Sciences Guidelines for Biomedical Research Involving Human Subjects to guarantee that those communities where these new drugs have been tested will be given affordable access to the newly developed and approved drugs. Otherwise, one might rightly argue that people in developing countries have yet again been exploited by Western researchers without benefiting from the positive results their risk-taking has yielded (Del Rio, Kamarulzaman, and Schuklenk, n.d.). Ruth Macklin observes that it is not just individuals who can lose out when big drug companies carry out their tests. When industrialized countries do research in a developing estate, the developing country cant afford the products of that research. The researchers pullout and the palmy products then become addressable in the Western industrialized countries and the population in the countries where the research was do ne get nothing. So thats truly a question of justice, and were beginning to see a movement to rectify that injustice (2000). The wide disparities in resources that are available for biomedical research in developed and developing countries give rise to goodly relevant issues of research prioritization and collaboration. The international research community has to accelerate the shift to an environment where researchers from developing countries are recognized as full and equal partners in biomedical studies where the technologies of developed and developing countries are integrated and made widely available and where the benefits of biomedical research for participant communities can be ensured (2). In resource-poor countries like Pakistan and majority of developing countries, the two primary means of protecting participants-IRB review and sure react may be inadequate. IRBs in developing countries may lack training, experience, and resources. IRBs in the United States are unlikel y to be familiar with conditions in the host country. Informed Consent may be problematic in a country where people are poorly educated and lack health literacy, and where physicians in clinical practice usually do not tell patients their diagnosis, admit uncertainty, or obtain live with. Participants may not accept Western models of disease. Furthermore, participants might hear rumors and other misinformation rough a research study. In several highly publicized cases, researchers from developed countries have been harshly criticized for allegedly conducting in usurply risk studies in resource poor counties without adequate consent. The other problem is health priority and it would be an imprudent use of limited health care resources in a developing country to conduct human-participants research that does not address a health or public health priority in the host country. Because of scarce resources and logistical constraints, medical interventions that are standard in developed c ountries may not be available or feasible in resource poor countries where the trial is conducted. This creates an ethical tension between providing a benefit to research participants and obtaining generalizable scientific knowledge. According to the ethical obligation to minimize harm to participants, researchers should provide interventions that are known to be effective and feasible to prevent or treat the condition addressed in the clinical trial. Because participants in a research study help researchers, sponsors, and decree at large, they should receive some benefit in return as a matter of reciprocity. Advocates contend that researchers and sponsors must avoid taking unfair emolument of participants and their communities by providing those who bear the risks of research appropriate benefits, in addition to the long-term benefit of generalizable knowledge. Researchers and Sponsors need to consider whether the study intervention will be available in the host country if it is shown to be effective and safe. Some ethics expert point out that providing reasonable access to study interventions after a trial may be an inadequate reciprocation for employment in research. First, it is too limited and weak an obligation. If the study is something other than a pivotal clinical trial (for example, an epidemiological study), no additional benefits will be required. Even if the study is a clinical trial, it might be a negative study. Second, other benefits might be more useful to participants or their communities than the trial drug. For example, they might benefit more from better primary care or better education for host country health care workers. Third, the appropriate target group for benefits may be all persons in the community where the study is carried out, not just trial participants.Providing benefits only to trial participants will widen health disparities in the resource-poor host country and therefore raise concerns about causing injustice. Thus, pro viding benefits to the host country should be done in a way that ameliorates rather than worsens health disparities. For these reasons, some writers argue that researchers and sponsors from the developed world should provide fair benefits to the research participants and their communities in reciprocity for what they contribute to the research. Researchers could provide benefits to research participants in a number of ways, such as by providing health education or some basal health services training local health care workers, researchers, and IRBs donating equipment at the end of the study and giving local investigators a key in analyzing information and writing papers. Such contributions ensure that the community where the research is carried out will receive benefits in reciprocity for participating in the research. By building infrastructure, researchers can help provide sustainable improvements that will help to narrow health disparities between rich and poor nations (3). Paki stan is also among the poor and one of developing country and the health care conditions here are same as any South Asian or African country. We will apply the same ethical and moral rules when we talk about research here in Pakistan. Ethical requirements for clinical research do not end when individuals either sign the consent form or are enrolled in research or refuse enrollment. Individuals must continue to be treated with respect from the time they are approached even if they refuse enrollment throughout their participation and even after their participation ends. extoling potential and enrolled subjects entails at least 5 different activities. First, since substantial information will be collected about enrolled subjects, their privacy must be respected by managing the information in accordance with confidentiality rules. Second, respect includes permitting subjects to change their mind, to decide that the research does not match their interests, and to withdraw without penalt y. Third, in the course of clinical research new information about the effect of the intervention may be gained. Respect requires that enrolled subjects be provided with this new information. Fourth, the welfare of subjects should be carefully monitored throughout their research participation. If subjects experience adverse reactions, untoward events, or changes in clinical status, they should be provided with appropriate treatment and, when necessary, removed from the study. Finally, to recognize subjects contribution to clinical research, there should be some mechanism to inform them of what was learned from the research (4). endpointThe basic disclosure requirement for satisfying the informed consent provision in U.S. research regulations focus on information needed by a potential participant to decide whether or not to participate in a study. Of the eight basic disclosure requirements, one focuses on potential benefits a description of any benefits to the subject or to others wh ich may reasonably be expected from the research. Traditionally, such a disclosure has been required to ensure that potential participants attend whether there is any possibility that the intervention itself might benefit them while they are enrolled in the study. There is, however, no specific mention of any post-trial benefits. If any case, those who may participate in studies should be informed of the potential benefits, if any, that they might receive by doing so. Because this information is relevant to participants decisions to participate in the research, ethics review committees should require investigators to make these disclosures (5). In the end I will conclude by saying that research participants should know each and every thing regarding their participation in the research trial or rejecting it, and it is their right to know all risks and benefits while participating in the research trials and this should be applicable to all countries nearly the world including all de veloping countries and also our country Pakistan.REFERENCES1. Johan PE Karlberg. Development of Sponsored Clinical Trials in Asia. Clinical Trial Magnifier. 2008 Vol. 15 77-100.2. Leonardo D. de Castro Et Al. Bioethics in the Asia-Pacific role Issues and Concerns. 2003 1-108.3. LO B. Clinical Research in Resource-Poor Countries. Ethical issues in Clinical Research A practical Guide. 2008 Ch.22194-210.4. Ezekiel J. Emanuel Et Al. What Makes Clinical Research Ethical? JAMA. 2000 283(20) 2701-2711.5. Ch 3 Voluntary Informed Consent. National Bioethics Advisory Commission. 35-53.

Comparing the Outsiders and West Side Story :: Comparison Compare Contrast Essays

The Outsiders and West Side Story I read the book The Outsiders and watched the movie the West Side Story, they had many similarities but they to a fault had their differences. I enjoyed both the book and the movie they were very well written. I will tell comp are and contrast the book and the movie. In the book The Outsiders the sight joined the gang for protection from the Socs who liked to jump them like in the West Side Story the people join for there protection against the other gang from kicking them out but they also join to protect their place to live. They both are in Gangs for protection but unlike The Outsiders where the gangs are divided by social class, the gangs in the West Side Story are divided by race. In the book The Outsiders the people didnt fight distributively other that much they stayed together for protection while the other guys attacked them while on the movie the West Side Story both the gangs attack each other. Like in the book the pa rents of the kids that are in the gang are either dead, drunks, or they dont care about the kid. In the book The Outsiders they got to together and negotiated basis for rumbles, they did the same thing in the movie West Side Story. Like pony boy in The Outsiders, Tony in West Side Story realizes that struggle isnt worth it and that it got you no were. They both reacted differently though when they found it out, Tony goes and tries to stop the rumble while Ponyboy goes and fights in the rumble and still plays along while hes essay to tell others about it. In the book Randy and Cherry dont like the rumble so they decide not to go but Tony goes a meter further and tries to stop the rumble. The jets in the movie are like the Socs in the book, that they both have power. The Socs power is their money, the jets power is the cop who is racist and being the indigenous inhabitants. In the book you see the greasers getting pumped for the rumble just as you see the jets and the sharks getting pumped in the movie.

Going Towards a Postpatriarchal Family :: Philosophy Hochschild Women Papers

Going Towards a Postpatriarchal FamilyOurs is a time of dramatic and confusing transformations in everyday life, many of them originating in the social enfranchisement of women that has occurred over the past twenty-five years. Sociologist Arlie Hochschild demonstrates a widespread phenomenon of work-family imbalance in our society, experienced by good deal in terms of a time bind, and a devaluation of familial relationships. As large numbers of women fall in moved into the workplace, familial relations of all sorts have been colonized by what Virginia Held critically refers to as the contractual paradigm. Even the mother/child relationship, representing for Held an alternative feminist paradigm of selfhood and agency, has been in large part outsourced. I believe that an Arendtian conception of speech and action might enable us to assert anew the grounds for familial relations. If we require a new spot upon which to address our human plurality and natality, the postpatriarchal fam ily may provide that new site upon which individuals can freely act to recreate the fabric of human relationships. It would seem to be our moral and political responsibility as social philosophers today to speculatively contribute to the difficult yet imperative task of reconfiguring the family. In this paper, I try on to articulate the basic assumptions from which such a reconfiguration must begin. I. Some Ironies of Our Current MomentWhile motherhood represented womens primary opportunity for achievement and keep an eye on within previous societies, second-wave feminism critically explored the lived reality of women as mothers within our middle-class American society. Betty Friedans influential The Feminine Mystique, published in 1965, indicted the deadly ennui of the suburban home, while later works such as Adrienne Richs Of Woman Born, articulated with devastating incisiveness the oppressive qualities of the contemporary institution of motherhood. According to Rich, the eage r joys of mothering children were embedded in a patriarchal structure that created agonizing conflicts for any woman who saw herself as more than merely a nurturer of her spouse and children. As feminists, we believed that the institutions of family and motherhood would change quite radically as women entered the workplace.And they have. Our lives have been dramatically transformed over the last twenty-five years, through a process I refer to as the social enfranchisement of women. (1) As large numbers of women have entered the public workforce and contraception has be flow widely available, women have come to be seen as possessing the same economic and political rights and responsibilities as men.

Science :: essays research papers

LAW, SOCIAL SCIENCE, LITERATURE, LAW SCHOOL, AND PERSONAL STATEMENTS Law School Admissions Why Bother? Stately and plump, Harvard Law School admits just 850 to yield a class of 550 for Yale, fewer than 400 admitted brings a svelte class of 170. Ever battling its late entry and the suspectness of a West Coast address -- newness coupled with the experience that sunshine vitiates seriousness -- Stanford Law School admitted 435 to make a class of 180 for the class of 1998. For the most part, students admitted to Stanford either go to Stanford, go to Harvard, go to Yale, or dont go to law school. Five-hundred fifty plus 150 plus 180 equals 880. Eight-hundred eighty is just 30 more than 850, which implies that Harvard, which was maiden, still is first when it comes to circumscribing the legal elite. In other words, if Harvard effectively locates the 850 students who will be divided among itself, Stanford, and Yale, why bother worrying about what Stanford does, who it admits? As this rea soning goes, Harvard has taken parcel out of things. Harvard defines the 850 students, implying that the admissions procedures of the latter two are superfluous -- like so much, parasitic on Harvard. Not so. First, it matters, year to year, for as long as Stanfords and Yales classes are small and Harvards is big, who Stanford and Yale reject. Stanford rejects contribute importantly to the Schools reputation. Stanford admits 400 compared to Harvards 800. Assuming considerable overlap in application patterns, more of Harvards last 400 admitees were likely rejected by Stanford. The perception, widely held, that attendance at Harvard means one could have gone anywhere is assumed rejection by Stanford serves as a reminder of the propositions falseness. The presence of Stanford rejects at Harvard is another way of saying Stanford is good because, as everyone knows, Harvard is good. More broadly, it is come-at-able to play renegade in this game as Stanford apparently did several years ago by admitting older students and reaching outside the 850. Thus it does, or can, matter who Stanford admits in the sense of Stanford making an original contribution to the 850 who will compose the first year classes at Harvard, Yale, and Stanford. What is being rewarded or predicted when an applicant is considered -- in particular something that differs from the competing schools -- can materially alter, for good or for bad, the profession by deliberately attempting to send a different sort of person into the law.

Silencing the Left in Modern America Essay -- Essays Papers

Silencing the Left in Modern AmericaJust so you know, were ashamed the President of the United States is from Texas. -- Natalie Maines on tour in EnglandThe crowd erupted in cheers. Natalie Maines of the Dixie Chicks band had just excited two megabyte fans in a small London club with her anti-Bush statement, only one week before American forces entered Iraq. The Dixie Chicks finished their concert riding the soaring of their audiences support. Little did they know the trouble these fifteen words would cause. When Maines and the other Dixie Chicks, Martie Maguire and Emily Robison, returned to their hotel in London later that week, their manager received a call informing them that the Associated Press found out what they had said. Their manager consoled them, dont worry. Its going to blow over in three days. just now it didnt. Unwittingly, the Dixie Chicks found themselves in a maelstrom of angry political and social debate. Their country music fan base, predominantly cons ervative Americans, felt estranged by their statement. Opposition came in many forms on the Internet, on the radio waves, on television, from individuals, and from corporations. The size and nature of the hostility to the Dixie Chicks and other celebrities is unprecedented. The boycotts, censorship, and threats all fountainhead to an alarming new trend arising from the latest war in Iraq.During the 1950s, Americans held a deep-seated fear that all that they had fought for in World War II namely, the license of the world from fascists was being lost to the worldwide communist revolution. As a result, the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) was reestablished to monitor the behavior of radicals dangerous to the nation. Mostly us... ...john_lennon.html. 15 November 2004.Kot, Greg. Musicians protests of Iraq War create conflicts within industry. Columbia free-and-easy Tribune 30 March 2003 .Krugman, Paul. Dixie Chicks and Clear Channel Communications. New Yor k Times. 26 March 2003.Lee, Zach. Sticks and stones vs. opinions. The Daily Cougar. Volume 68, Issue 124. 2 April 2003.Maguire, Martie, Natalie Maines, and Emily Robison. Interview with Diane Sawyer. Primetime Thursday. ABC. New York. 24 April 2003.The Dixie Chicks Come Clean. Entertainment. May 2003.What Music Stars Are Saying About The War In Iraq. Radio One Global . 26 November 2004.Wiener, John. Gimme Some Truth The John Lennon F.B.I. Files. The University of California Press, Berkeley 1999.